Ishaal Zehra
No matter how much exaggerated claims India makes about the
personal rapport of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi with the US President
Barack Obama, truth remains apparent as luminosity in the dark.
Earlier it was the statement of president Obama who, at the end of
the recent Nuclear Security Summit, talked about India and Pakistan in the same
breath, bracketing them together. Obama desired to "see progress in
Pakistan and India, that subcontinent, making sure that as they develop
military doctrines that they are not continually moving in the wrong
direction.” Nevertheless, with a history of enmity and hostility persisting
between both the nuclear-armed neighbours, President Obama's concern does not seem
inappropriate.
Indian journalists while
covering the Nuclear Security Summit, on the other hand, took consolation
rather miscalculated President Obama as he spoke about countries expanding
their "nuclear arsenals especially those with small tactical nuclear
weapons that could be at greater risk of theft." They considered that he
was probably mentioning Pakistan without naming it.
Interesting to us and quite
dismay to them, a report examining nuclear security worldwide released this
month is suggesting that India's "nuclear security measures might be
weaker than those of Pakistan." The Harvard Kennedy School report,
"Preventing Nuclear Terrorism: Continuous Improvement or Dangerous
Decline?" says it is difficult to judge whether India's nuclear security is
capable of protecting against the threats it faces. On the other hand,
"Pakistan has substantially strengthened its nuclear security in the past
two decades," the report says, citing changes in organizations governing
nuclear security, training, equipment and approaches to screening personnel,
requirements for nuclear material accounting and control, approaches to
strengthening security culture and "substantial changes in every other
aspect of nuclear security covered in the survey" as reasons for the improved
nuclear security.
The risk of nuclear terrorism
remains very real, especially when it comes to the sub-continent. Measures to
secure nuclear weapons and the materials needed to make them are the most
effective tools for reducing this risk. With IS in the driving seat, terrorist
threats are constantly changing.
India also faces significant
terrorist risks. India has taken significant measures to protect its nuclear
sites, but recent reports suggest some nuclear security weaknesses, and
US-Indian nuclear security cooperation has so far been limited to a modest
number of workshops. Moreover, India continues to expand her nuclear arsenals,
now numbering many hundreds of weapons, and is continuing to rely on doctrines
likely to lead to early dispersal of those weapons in the event of a crisis,
tough they don’t admit it openly.
India is expanding its nuclear
stockpile, continuing to produce both plutonium and HEU. She is expanding
uranium enrichment, reportedly plans two new plutonium production reactors, and
is building a new reprocessing plant at Kalpakkam.
India’s prototype fast breeder
reactor will be able to produce an estimated 140 kilograms of plutonium
annually once it opens. And in the future, India has plans for large-scale
breeding, reprocessing, and recycling of plutonium fuels, and eventually
breeding of U-233 from thorium.
A special security agency, the
Central Industrial Security Force (CISF), guards both nuclear installations and
other especially dangerous or sensitive industrial facilities.
Indian experts report that
India performs systematic vulnerability assessments in designing physical
protection systems for nuclear facilities and makes use of some modern security
technologies, including access controls and various types of intrusion detectors.
CISF leaders, however, reportedly complained about 40 percent cuts from their
request in weapons for CISF, 45 percent cuts in training equipment, and low
morale.
Reportedly, US officials have
also ranked Indian nuclear security measures as weaker than those of Pakistan
and Russia and US experts visiting the sensitive Bhabha Atomic Research Centre
in 2008 described the security arrangements there as “extraordinarily low key.”
In 2011, the Indian government
proposed legislation to replace its existing nuclear safety regulator, the
Atomic Energy Regulatory Board (AERB), with a new Nuclear Safety Regulatory
Authority (NSRA) that would finally be fully independent of the Department of
Atomic Energy. Despite a scathing legislative report on the AERB in 2012,
however, the NSRA legislation has still not been passed.
The irony is that the AERB only
has authority to regulate security at civilian facilities. The organizations
managing India’s military nuclear activities (where the bulk of India’s HEU and
separated plutonium reside) regulate themselves.
India has generally refused
substantial nuclear security cooperation with the United States or any other
country. In recent years, however, there have been workshops on the topic at
India’s Global Centre for Nuclear Energy Partnership (GCNEP) and trainings
organized by the US State Department’s Partnership for Nuclear Security.
The threats India’s nuclear
security systems have to confront appear to be significant thus can’t be
overlooked. Besides facing domestic terrorist threats, India is also having
ISIS as a living peril residing in their neighbouring Afghanistan. Moreover,
there are concerns about insider threats within Indian nuclear facilities as
India faces significant insider corruption.
Also, in 2014, Vijay Singh, a
head constable at the Madras Atomic Power Station at Kalpakkam, shot and killed
three people with his service rifle soon after arriving at work. Although the
CISF had a personnel reliability program in place, it was not able to detect
Mr. Singh’s deteriorating mental health, despite multiple red flags, including
his telling colleagues that he was about to explode like a firecracker.
Given the limited information
available about India’s nuclear security measures, it is difficult to judge
whether India’s nuclear security is capable of protecting against the threats
it faces. Although India has taken significant measures to protect its nuclear
sites, recent reports suggest that its nuclear security measures may be much
weaker than required.
Pakistan’s PM's Adviser on
National Security Lieutenant General Nasir Khan Janjua (Retd) is of the opinion
that the Western powers desire better relations with India due to a shared
anti-China policy despite the fact that a peaceful region and world is in
Chinese interest and China has no ill intention towards any of these countries.
Janjua urge the world to shun
policy of discrimination towards Pakistan and take steps to ensure strategic
stability in South Asia, threatened by India's massive defence spending. He said
Pakistan is committed in the war against terrorism and extremism, adding we
have made major strides to rid the country of this curse.
Obama's reference to military
doctrine also mentions India -- the Indian military's Cold Start Doctrine.
Simply put, this means an immediate reaction to terrorist attack from Pakistan,
by a counter punitive attack deep inside Pakistan territory. Though India has
acted with restraint, the doctrine of punitive strikes is something that
hard-liners in India have long favoured. This line is in tune with those who
want India to have a muscular foreign policy.
Last June, when special forces
of the Indian army, raided an NSCN(K) camp, by crossing the border into
Myanmar, in coordination with the Air Force, to punish insurgents for a deadly
ambush earlier of an Indian army convoy, there was much chest thumping in some
circles. Though this has nothing to do with nuclear security, the kind of
aggressive talk that emanated from India after the Myanmar operations, worried
the rest of the world.
Keeping this in mind, the
United States should seek to expand nuclear security cooperation with Pakistan
and China as well, and should undertake nuclear security discussions and good
practice exchanges with all of the countries where nuclear weapons or
weapons-usable nuclear materials exist, including both developed and developing
countries.
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