By Aakar Patel
The convicted terrorist Yakub Memon was
buried this week, the same day as former Indian president and scientist APJ Abdul Kalam. The
Indian government forbade the media from reporting on Memon’s burial, while
Kalam was given a state funeral on a gun carriage (which was fitting since his
fame came as a developer of atom bombs and the missiles to carry them). The
media complied on the matter of Memon, and this was for two reasons, though it
is usually fiercely protective of its free speech rights. The first reason was
that Mumbai’s media agreed with the government’s concern that an overly
supportive crowd of Muslims at the funeral of a convict would polarise a city
which has seen more than its share of communal violence. The second reason was
that there was distaste at the fact that a convicted terrorist was being given
public sympathy if not respect. Some channels carried on-screen banners
announcing their position that they would not give publicity to such
distasteful happenings.
The only indication Indians got of the numbers at the
Memon funeral were some photographs that newspapers carried the following day.Indian
Express reported that about
“8,000 Muslims from across Mumbai gathered to offer namaz for Yakub Memon”. The question for us
is: why were they there? The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leader and governor
of Tripura, Tathagata Roy offered his theory of why the Muslims had gathered. Hetweeted: “Intelligence shd keep a tab on all (expt relatives
& close friends) who assembled bfr Yakub Memon’s corpse. Many are potential
terrorists.”
Indian Express reported
that people came from far away and with “WhatsApp messages on the venue and
time of the last rites doing the rounds, complete strangers came to mourn for
Yakub.” The report added that senior police officers tracked social media for
the briefest hint of anger. However, the police commissioner accepted that
there had been “no rabble-rousing” and inside the burial ground those gathered
had been told “koi naarebaazi nahin karega (no shouting of slogans)”. If they
were not there to demonstrate, why did so many show up despite the extreme
hostility in the media and the police scrutiny?
That is easy to understand if we can look at events
without prejudice and without being coloured by the narrative of the media. The
sequence of events is quite clear in that sense. The blasts that Memon was
convicted for happened on March 12, 1993. In January of the same year, over 500
Muslims (and over 200 Hindus) were killed in riots in Mumbai. The month before
that the BJP-led movement against the Babri masjid resulted in the tearing down
of the mosque.
In that sense, the blasts were part of a larger sequence
of events and linked to violence in which communities were involved to a very
large extent. To the numbers of those killed, we must add those who lost their
businesses, those who were wounded, raped and those who were displaced. These
numbers run into the tens of thousands.
This was the background to the blasts. Memon’s hanging
itself was divisive and threw up a lot of poison. Television channels were
openly hostile to the idea that he should not be hanged. Meanwhile, a
report in the Times of India quoting a study by the National Law
University said that 94 per cent of those sentenced to death were either Dalits
or Muslims.
This reinforced the perception among many Muslims that
they were being punished for their religion. Even if Memon was guilty, and he
was, the eagerness of the state to kill him was because of his religion. The
total lack of sympathy in this case was contrasted to the murderers Maya
Kodnani and Babu Bajrangi of the BJP, both convicted of equally vicious crimes,
but out on bail.
Then there is the larger reality of being Muslim in India.
It would be instructive to see the reader comments under any article on the
internet that refers to not just terrorism, but any related issue where the
perfidy of Muslims can be introduced. In India’s Anglicised middle classes, the
sense of bigotry and prejudice runs through so strongly that it is frightening.
I need hardly go into the matter of the trouble faced by Muslims who look for
housing and jobs.
That then is the reality of being Muslim in India. There
are moments, and the hanging of Yakub Memon was one, where all of the gathered
injustices are crystallised. Those gathered at the graveyard were not there to
protest. They came to sympathise because they are also victims.
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